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APPROACHES TO THE KHMER MENTALITY by François PONCHAUD, 1996
These brief notes were written in French, around 1996,
during which time the author was working on the insertion of Asian refugees
in France. The notes are aimed at facilitating a better understanding
of the Cambodians, without any scientific pretensions. If the lack of
comprehension is removed, any action undertaken on their behalf will hold
them in greater respect and be more effective. The notes have been translated
in English and German by diverse international bodies who judged them
useful for guiding the actions of their agents.
Contents • 1. Diversity Among South-East Asian Refugees
• 2. The Burden of the Past
• 3. Understanding comes only through the heart
• 4. Cherised Freedom
• 5. Submission and Harmony
• 6. Buddhism
• 7. The Importance of the Family
• 8. Marriage
• 9. Khmer Women
• 10. Children
• 11. Domestic Life
• 12. Politics
• 13. A few remarks on the language
• 14. Khmer Civil Status
1. DIVERSITY AMONG SOUTH-EAST ASIAN REFUGEES Top
For
many French people, anyone who is Asian is "Chinese". However,
the South-East Asian refugees belong to very different cultural and human
areas, which may be divided into two main categories:
1. The Chinese cultural area (also called "Yellow Asia"): Vietnamese,
Hmong, Thai Nung, and Thai Dam. All speak tonal languages (the same syllable
having a different meaning according to its intonation).
The Vietnamese, roughly 4,000 of them, have joined the large Vietnamese
colony long established in France. They practice ancestor worship and
Buddhism of the Greater Vehicle school. Eight per cent are Roman Catholics;
The Hmong, contemptuously nicknamed "Meo", inhabited the mountainous
regions of Laos. They formed the spearhead of the Lao army, and are of
Lao nationality, though conscious of their superiority. The Hmong people
originate from near the Baikal Lake, in Siberia, and crossed China over
the last three thousand years. They live in the relief regions of Thailand,
Laos and Vietnam (over 1,000m altitude).
The Thai Dam, the Thaï Tho, and the Thai Nung come from Tonkin (Viet
Nam). They fought on the side of the French in the first Indo-China war,
and then settled in the Vientiane Plain in 1954. They form an organised
group and have Lao nationality, although some claim to be Vietnamese.
The Lao, men of the hills and plains of the Mekong river, are conscious
of their worth. Their ethnic group was in power in Laos, where it numbered
one million persons, as against ten million in Thailand. They practise
Buddhism of the Lesser Vehicle school.
All these people are originally from the south of China, and migrated
towards the south, pushed by diverse invasions.
2. The Austro-Asiatic cultural area, with Indian influence (also called
"Brown Asia"): Khmer, Kha, Khmu, Cham:
The Kha and the Khmu were the first inhabitants of the mountain regions
of Laos, where they were driven by successive invaders. They are of Lao
nationality, and are animists.
The Cham are descendants of Champa (a kingdom formerly situated in central
Viet Nam). Conquered by their neighbours, they fled to Cambodia. Moslems
and of Cambodian nationality, they are known as "Khmer Islam".
To this same cultural area belong the indigenous peoples of the Vietnamese
plateau areas: Rhado, Jarai, Brao, Lao, Tapouan, etc.
In 1970, there were seven million Khmer in Cambodia, which covers an
area of 181,000 square km. This figure includes some 400,000 Vietnamese
and 500,000 Chinese who had settled in Cambodia several generations back
and now claim Khmer nationality.
Of the numerous refugees of Khmer nationality, many are Chinese or half-Chinese
("Sino-Khmer"); a race of resourceful migrants, with few deep
roots in Khmer soil, engaged for the most part in national and international
trade, they succeeded in reaching the frontiers on 17 April 1975. But
even though they usually speak the Cambodian language, the Sino-Khmer
have a different mentality from pure-bred Khmer, and this should be taken
into account when considering the remarks that follow. The Sino-Khmer
will adapt far more easily to their new living conditions than their Khmer
compatriots. Often, moreover, they come from the well-to-do classes of
Cambodia and are accordingly equipped with an intellectual capital, which
will make it easier for them to become integrated into our society.
2. THE BURDEN OF THE PAST Top
The
Khmer people belong to a race of brave warriors who ruled South-East Asia
for many centuries. After the brilliant Angkor period (tenth-thirteenth
centuries), Cambodia fell into decline and the country's markets were
looted by the invading Thai and Vietnamese from South China. In the 19th
century, it was annexed outright by the Vietnamese. But whereas the Thai
to some extent assimilated the cultures of the territories they invaded,
the Vietnamese destroyed all before them, wiping out the conquered populations.
The Cambodian is inhibited vis-à-vis his foreign conquerors: Vietnamese,
Thai., and then the French. Whiteness being the canon of Asian beauty,
his brown complexion gives him a feeling of inferiority. The Chinese and
Vietnamese, conscious of their worth, have no hesitation in making plain
their contempt for those they nickname the "Moi" (mountain dwellers,
barbarians).
This explains the lingering animosity between Khmer and the Vietnamese:
it has its roots deep in the collective subconsciousness, formed by history.
Any attempt to get the two races to live together is laudable in the abstract,
but unrealistic.
The Khmers are frequently heard resignedly acknowledging the defects of
their people: "We Khmer are like that", "We do not know
how to organize ourselves", "I do not want my daughter to marry
a Khmer", "The Vietnamese and the Chinese know how to shift
for themselves, we do not", etc. Together with this disillusioned
resignation, moreover, there is a feeling of fierce national pride rooted
in a glorious past.
These conflicting sentiments, which have been suppressed for so long,
may explode with unforeseen violence if sparked off by a serious affront
or a f1agrant injustice. The entire Khmer group will then feel involved
and united against the offender.
The history of the Khmer people since the fourteenth century has been
marked by a succession of misfortunes. It is this, perhaps, that explains
a certain note of melancholy in Khmer literature and popular songs (very
often, if not always, in the minor key). The laughter and gaiety of the
Khmers, their eagerness to enjoy life, may be merely compensation for
an underlying sadness.
One constant factor in the personality of all Asians is that of "face"-
the image a person wishes to project of himself, which institutes a kind
of relationship in society. Of an important man it will be said: "He
has a countenance, a face"(Mean Muk mean moat). "Face"
has nothing to do with the hypocrisy of someone wishing to appear what
he is not, but constitutes the essence of personality, the dignity of
the person.
A Khmer will save his "FACE" or conceal his private thoughts
behind an enigmatic smile, a smile that does not necessarily reflect inner
joy, but is the bulwark behind which he can take refuge, can hide his
feelings or his inner emptiness. It is at once a means of self-defence
and an expression of respect for others. The death of a loved one is announced
with a smile, not because the person announcing the news feels no sorrow,
but so that he can dissimulate his private thoughts and avoid embarrassing
others.
Any attempt to undermine a person's "face" is regarded as a
serious injury: reproaching someone, even justifiably, in public or insulting
someone in public causes that person to "lose face", or "kills"
him, as the Khmer language puts it. For words "kill" just as
much as weapons. Indeed, Prince Sihanouk embarked on a war that was disastrous
for himself and for his people in order to save his honour, which had
been sullied. A Khmer is capable of ruining himself and losing those he
loves in order to destroy someone who has "killed" him socially.
Of someone who despises others it will be said: "He looks too readily"(meul
ngiei) or "He looks disrespectfully"(meul thaok). Khmer politeness
requires that a person should respect the face of another, that he should
be lower than the eyes of anyone whom he respects; Khmer stoop when passing
in front of persons who are seated, for it is not permitted to "look
down at theother person", or to "walk above him"(dae ksae
leu).
Pointing at a person or staring at him causes that person to lose face
and wipes out his existence just as much as if he had been transfixed
with a sword. To call someone, even a friend, by his name ("So-and-so,
come here"), is to treat him like dirt or like "a dog",
in the vernacular. In public, at least, a person's title must be mentioned,
"Mr", "Mrs. so-and-so".
To avoid losing face and "being shamed in front of others",
a Khmer, unlike a Vietnamese or a Chinese man, will ask a question only
if he is practically certain that it will be answered in the affirmative.
He dare not speak French or English, even if he knows a few words, for
fear of disgracing himself or annoying the Frenchman or Englishman. Even
if he knows something, though imperfectly, he will say that he does not
know. A Vietnamese or a Chinese man in a similar situation will say that
he knows.
Still in the context of respect for "face", the rule of conduct
in society will be "do not behave differently from others" (khos
pi ke), do not push yourself forward, do not take the initiative, for
fear of finding yourself alone, of disgracing yourself in front of others,
being derided for possible failure, judged. Thus the individual becomes
isolated in his private thoughts. Decisions are taken by consensus or
in accordance with the views of anyone who has dared to expose his views
in public, of anyone who is a good speaker. Even if the members of a meeting
privately express their disagreement with a particular decision it is
rare that many people will risk making such a person lose face, or losing
their own by expressing a different view. Before speaking, moreover, it
is as well to know the views of one's opposite member; for truth is not
what ³corresponds with reality", as we in the West would define
it, but above all agreement with the relationship between the speakers,
what is acceptable to the persons present.
In general, it maybe said that a Khmer is afraid of others. He often
begins his letters or sentences by apologizing, craving pardon for speaking
or writing, as if by expressing himself he risked causing offence. He
is careful to avoid hurting people and will miss an important appointment
because he dare not interrupt a conversation with a person to whom he
owes respect.
When greeting strangers, or heads of families whom he surrounds with
a halo, he stoops and bows his head. The expression for "respecting"
someone important is "praising and fearing" (kaot klach), the
word "fearing" doubtless being more important than "praising".
His heart beats fast when he has to ask something or address someone
in French. He is pleasantly surprised when a Frenchman whom he does not
know shows him the way and helps him: he is afraid of annoying them or
disgracing himself. The Khmer are very timid.
3. UNDERSTANDING COMES ONLY THROUGH THE
HEART Top Asians are more intuitive than discursive. Their logic is not
ours. In conversation, a Khmer will long skirt the issue so as to sound
out the other person, paying attention to the way he looks, to his voice.
If the person is busy, his voice rough, his look angry, a Khmer will feel
that he is not ready to listen to him and will leave without putting his
question. But if, after long preparation, the climate is favourable, he
will gradually open up. In conversation, it is necessary to guess rather
than hear, to listen more with the heart than with the ear. To reveal
oneself, moreover, requires time, as one does not lay bare one's thoughts
before strangers. Sometimes it will take several meetings and occasionally
weeks or even years before a Khmer will finally put the question he has
been desperately wanting to ask, or before a distressing problem is presented.
Each in his own time.
In conversation, a Khmer is not afraid of keeping silent. Long periods
can elapse without his saying anything, and without the other person saying
anything either. His silence does not reflect embarrassment, but happiness
at being with others. What he remembers of a meeting is more its general
atmosphere than the intellectual content of the exchange of ideas.
The intuition of the Khmer can be disconcerting: a small detail to which
one attached no importance, a well-meaning remark, a sudden but ill-considered
movement, too harsh a tone of voice - all these are liable to be construed
as unfriendly gestures. Taciturn and unaccustomed to rational criticism,
the Khmers are inclined to be credulous and to follow people to whom they
have given their confidence without questioning the validity of what they
are told.
4. CHERISHED FREEDOM Top Another constant aspect of the Khmer personality is its basic
individualism. Each individual insists on his freedom being respected,
freedom being regarded as the possibility to do whatever he likes, whenever
he likes. A Khmer man will not submit willingly to regulations, which
in his opinion restrict his independence. If authority is of divine origin,
so be it. "A Cambodian will never abandon rules" (Khmer men
chaol kbuon), but authority must not be allowed to encroach on personal
matters.
A Khmer has little idea of public service and the common good, of the
rule of life that aims at enabling each individual to preserve his true
freedom. A peasant through and through, he loves his native soil, but
is not., strictly speaking, a "patriot"; he is proud of his
race and feels concerned by everything that affects his kindred, but little
bound by the nation's common concerns. It is this failing, perhaps, that
has contributed to the
downfall of the Khmer Republic.
Though individualists, the Khmer nevertheless fear solitude. They love
noise, music, crowds; "These are the things that constitute merrymaking,
that make for happiness". It is undesirable, even in a transit centre,
to allocate a room to each child. A worker will not remain alone in a
studio for very long.
5. SUBMISSION AND HARMONY Top Religion has made a deep impression on the mentality of all
peoples. Khmers generally claim to be Buddhists, to the point where the
words "race" and "religion" merge into one. However,
ancestral ANIMISM forms the basis of Cambodian religion on which Buddhism
of the Lesser Vehicle came to be superimposed. Buddhism and animism have
been wedded to he1p man to live: animism organizes this earthly life and
gives it a mystical explanation, while Buddhism directs man's attention
towards the future and his future lives.
The Khmer universe is peopled with demons, spirits and good or bad occult
forces, which preside over human destinies and which it is as well to
propitiate. Illness is not merely a matter of microbes, but also the manifestation
of spirits irritated by an evil act of a member of the family.
For the patient to recover, their anger must be appeased. A child who
is often ill will have its name changed in order to deceive the spirit
tormenting it.
On the fifth floor of the Sarcelles centre a spirit used to enter a room
every night and make the person living there ill. This room was left empty
(unknown to the manager). The spirit in question lived in the tall tree
behind the centre: as the master of the place, he must have been irritated
by the strangers who were failing to pay him homage. The patient was taken
to hospital, but a "Guru" was sought who would be able to look
after him more effectively than the physicians.
Thus a Khmer man does not venture just anywhere, above all not in the
forest, as he does not know how to conciliate the spirits, especially
if they are French.
In Cambodia, most people carried charms.
Do not treat these problems with a smile, for they express the inmost
depths of the Khmer soul, which can only change through a slow process
of transformation.
6. BUDDHISM Top
Gautama
Siddartha of the Sakya tribe, who became the "Enlightened One",
or the "Buddha", was born about 563 BC in India. After living
in luxury at his palace and then leading a rigorous ascetic life, he discovered
"the middle path". His deep religious intuition was to discover
that all is suffering, transient and illusory. Suffering is born of desire,
ignorance and hatred.
His teaching invites man to make a personal effort to purify himself
of all desire, the origin of suffering. The ideal is to become master
of oneself; this is manifested, inter alià by gentleness and benevolence
towards others. These are the cardinal virtues of the Khmer. Anyone who
becomes angry, loses his self-control, loses what constitutes his very
being and dignity, in short, his "face".
The doctrine of "KARMA", which is derived from Hinduism, has
been incorporated into Buddhism and remains of great importance for the
Khmer man today. According to this doctrine, every action produces an
effect, good or bad, a legacy of merits or "demerits", which
affects the vital energy of a person's being and which will be incarnated
successively in new lives, until complete purification. Our present life
carries the burden of everything that has affected this vital energy in
generations past: we are at once those who have gone before us, yet at
the same time different, with the possibility of changing our karma. This
results in a certain feeling of resignation towards one's personal fate:
"We cannot do anything about it, we are paying for what we did in
previous lives", and at the same time, a keen sense of personal responsibility
for one's own actions. "No one can change another's karma."
"Only he who eats has his hunger satisfied", "No one can
take away the demerit of another", "Help yourself by your own
efforts, without expecting anything from others or from the gods."
Man is born alone, lives and suffers alone, and dies alone.
(This sums up the doctrine of the "Lesser Vehicle", the narrow
path, of the Khmer and the Lao. The Buddha is a master who has shown the
way, but cannot help man to purify himself. Buddhism of the "Greater
Vehicle", as practised by the Chinese and the Vietnamese, retains
these same fundamental doctrines, but adds intermediaries between man
and the Divine, known as the Bodhisattva; they have attained enlightenment,
but delay their entry into Nirvana in order to help their human brothers).
Buddhism and animism thus unite in urging man to live in harmony with
the cosmos, the rhythm of the seasons, the forces of nature. Life in all
its forms must be respected, the greatest "demerit" being to
kill animals. This task, which is necessary for feeding the people, is
left to those of another race. Religious factors, combined with pre-existing
traits of character, have doubtless induced in the Khmer man feelings
of submission towards the universe and towards the obstacles encountered
in their path. Faced with a difficulty, a Chinese or a Vietnamese man
will seek a means of overcoming it ("How Yukon moved the mountain");
a Khmer man, on the other hand will tend to put up with it, to accept
the situation, pending such time as the obstacle should choose to disappear.
The Khmers are not surprised by the fantastic or the marvellous, particularly
in religious matters. Encountering the European rationalistic mentality
is a violent shock, and their mental universe collapses. A new personality
can be built up by integrating values hitherto deemed essential with others
that are discovered gradually and are vital for a harmonious life in France.
Religion is expressed by rites and traditions depending on
people's culture. Some Khmers have considered becoming Christians in order
to please those who have helped them. But only in rare cases does this
step come, from deep spiritual conviction.
7. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE FAMILY Top
The
Khmer family is of the patriarchal type, presided over by the older members
of the family (grandparents, parents, uncles and aunts, elders) who have
the authority of experience and wisdom and must be deferred to in important
decisions. The Khmer people on the whole may even be considered as one
large family. As there are no first names in the Khmer language, everyone
is called and calls others according to blood relationships: the old people
are called "grandfather", "grandmother", "uncle"
or "aunt" older or younger than the parents, "elders",
while the younger ones are called "children", "younger
children", "nephews", "grandchildren".
The family, like society, is organized on strict hierarchical lines and
elders must be respected. One person with a good job in France gave up
his work because his younger brother was earning more than he was, and
his honour as the elder brother was therefore at stake. Lack of respect
towards an older person is a serious failing. One of the duties of children
is to show gratitude to their elders: during the New Year festival (13
April) or
on All Souls' Day (end of September), everyone must go and greet his parents
or grandparents and give them a present. Anyone leaving on a journey must
bring back something for the family: "What have you brought back?"
will be the greeting on his return. A present is a mark of the love he
bears his family. One of the most serious reproaches that can be made
against a person is to accuse him of ingratitude ("acataniou"),
of failing to remember his parents' merits.
FAMILY TIES ARE ALL-COMPELLING: nothing can be refused a brother, sister,
or even a distant cousin. Financial or other aid is compulsory within
the family.
Do not be surprised to see distant relations crowding round a member
of the family who has a dwelling or who has succeeded in life.
It is through the family that Khmers feel their attachment to their native
land. Most Khmer refugees are cut off from their families: at best, they
have brought their wives and children, but not their close and distant
relations. The absence of these relations physically robs them of all
strength to work. Not infrequently, a Khmer will lose his zest for life
if he has had no news of his family. Some have returned to Cambodia, not
for
ideological reasons, but solely to rejoin their families.
8. MARRIAGE Top For traditional marriages, the opinion of the elders was law:
it was usually they who decreed the unions of their children or grandchildren.
Thus marriage often took the form of an inter-family arrangement, to which
the parties concerned usually agreed. The newly-formed couple would then
become another nucleus in the family as a whole but, at least in the countryside,
they would live with the boy's parents and would have to defer to them
for certain decisions. The dowry paid by the boy's family to the girl's
family was regarded as payment for the girl's keep up to the age of marriage.
Once married, the girl became part of her husband's family, so that her
parents' bargaining to ensure a good marriage for her was prompted by
parental love. In a traditional society, marriage was not the consecration
of love, but its beginning.
Marital fidelity was the rule in the countryside, due to social pressure.
In the towns it was less so. Monogamy was usual, but polygamy was not
prohibited by law, only by the state of a man's finances. Culpability
for sexual offences consisted more in the violation of justice (failing
to give a prostitute her due, loving the wife of another, having relations
with a young girl who belongs to her parents), more than in lack of respect
for the individual (considering the other person as an object of pleasure,
betraying one's spouse). A young girl had a duty to remain a virgin, out
of "gratitude" to her parents.
On coming into contact with industrialized society they have difficulty
in finding their bearings, for they have lost their parents and the old
people who were their points of reference.
9. KHMER WOMEN Top
Khmer
women are usually very reserved. Etiquette demands that they should be
entirely devoted to their husband, that they should not say or do anything
that is likely to upset him. To signify "Yes", women say "Master".
At mealtimes, the master of the house eats with the guests; his wife and
children eat afterwards. In relations between the sexes discretion is
the rule: a handshake corresponds to a proposal, to look at a woman for
any length of time is supposed to make her pregnant; by touching a woman's
hand, even involuntarily, a monk will lose all the merits acquired in
a previous life. The Khmers never shake hands in public, not even the
married ones; still less do they exchange kisses.
It would be useful for nursing staff to know that a Khmer woman strongly
objects to undressing in front of a doctor. The presence of another woman
can help.
In general, Khmer women have received little schooling. As children,
they had to look after the younger members of the family instead of going
to school. As young girls, they had little possibility of training in
schools, but learned everything from tradition.
10. CHILDREN Top
Khmer
children are the real masters of the family and do whatever they please.
From birth, they live glued to their mothers who, as soon as they cry,
have to carry them on the hip and give them the breast, sometimes up to
the age of two-and-a-half and more. They have never been subject to any
discipline, but when the exasperated parents do correct them they go much
too far. Children go to school, if they feel like it and stop going when
no longer interested. Often the parents will say: "He doesn't want
to go to school any more."
A Khmer child, particularly in the countryside, was free and independent
and would be educated by osmosis. The patriarchal society would instil
in it the rules of life, politeness, a scale of values, respect for old
people, for the family and for monks, filial gratitude, mutual assistance,
etc. These rules disintegrate on coming into contact with European society,
which has "profaned" all these values. Contact with school is
a rude shock for Khmer children.
The Khmers do not kiss. Do not be surprised if a Khmer child does not
kiss his parents or his adoptive parents before going to bed. Nor do husband
and wife, on parting or meeting again, express their affection by a kiss.
The Khmers do not like anyone to touch their head, even as a sign of
friendship. Such a gesture is taken as a serious insult. On the other
hand, men often stroll about holding each other by the little finger or
stroking each other's buttocks as a sign of familiarity.
11. DOMESTIC LIFE Top The dwelling of a Khmer peasant is made of wood or straw and
is built on piles. Inside, it consists of one large central room, which
is used as a living room, for receiving guests, and for eating and sleeping.
One or two smaller rooms are formed in the comers of this large room by
wooden partitions and serve as bedrooms for the parents and the young
girls.
Outside, a small veranda houses a stove and primitive cooking range.
The furniture is very meagre: often there is no cupboard and clothes
are hung on the partitions. Do not be surprised if the tidiness of rooms
inhabited the Khmers leaves something to be desired: they have to learn
to fold their clothes, for they have never done so. Nor indeed have they
ever had so many clothes.
Rural dwellings have no doors inside, so do not be surprised if they
leave doors open in Phnom Penh.
Meals are taken on a mat, but everyone eats whenever he is hungry, especially
the children. The basic food of the Cambodians is rice: 400-800 grams
per day for a manual worker. Other "dishes" accompany the rice,
but they do not constitute the main part of the meal. Children are taught
to eat little of these dishes and a lot of rice.
The Khmers sleep either on a mat spread out on the floor or on a wooden
bed, usually without a mattress. They sleep rolled up in the blanket,
"on top of" the bed, with a bolster between the legs to ensure
that fresh air circulates. At night, a small oil lamp is lit as they are
afraid of the dark.
In Cambodia, all the children slept side by side.
Each day, even several times a day, the Khmer took a shower, a habit
that was necessary because of the climate.
Traditional family medicine comprises diagnosis and appropriate remedies.
When a person feels unwell, a "wind" is said to have entered
his body. To make it leave, the "wind" is "scratched"
by rubbing the body with a coin, after smearing a little oil on the skin.
This has the same effect as a revulsive or a cupping glass, but is more
painful. The veins of the neck and the forehead are also pulled; this
certainly results in decongestion. Some foods provide "heat",
others "cold". Some Khmers are reluctant to allow an X-ray scan,
as they have been told that they cause cancer or eat away the inside of
the body. Some are afraid of the doctor as they do not understand everything
he does.
12. WORK Top
Previously,
Cambodia was a land of plenty. Never, under normal conditions, did the
people suffer famine. Their needs were limited, as the sun made up for
a good deal. The main requirement was food: "to work" was "to
seek food". Once this need had been met, there was no reason to go
on tiring oneself unnecessarily. People worked only when they had to.
Workers were not annoyed to see people living without working: they were
the lucky ones. There is no shame in not working, in being unemployed,
or in being kept by others. One member of a family could, by his labour,
feed the entire family. The peasant worked hard to till, plant out and
harvest, and would then take a rest. The prestige conferred by knowledge
made it difficult for a person who had studied to turn his hand to manual
work
again.
However, it must be remembered that provision for the future is characteristic
of our Cartesian universe; a Khmer will tend to seek work and accommodation
only when desperate.
Aid is necessary, but will quickly be considered a prerogative unless
care is taken. A person receiving aid feels abandoned when aid ceases.
Many employees work hard "to please their employer", who must
be aware of this situation so as not to abuse it. On the other hand, an
unkind remark, ridicule, or a rough but not necessarily unfriendly word
on the part of a foreman will give offence and the Khmer will leave without
any hope of his returning.
Some ways of doing things are not self-evident to everyone: skilled carpenters
will frequently place locks the wrong way round, a case is liable to be
put down upside down, etc.
An element of instability among Khmer workers is explained by the wanderlust
felt by people from a country where needs were few. However, if the atmosphere
of the workshop and the neighbourhood is agreeable, they will have no
desire to seek new pastures.
13. POLITICS Top The majority of Khmers do not have any political awareness.
14. A FEW REMARKS ON THE LANGUAGE Top The Khmer language is an atonic language (like French), of
Austro-Asiatic origin, which has been enriched over the centuries by Indian
contributions, by Pâli (the unwritten Buddhist religious language),
and Sanskrit. The Khmer language is classified as one of the Indo-European
languages: "head" is "KeBaL", a word reminiscent of
the Greek "KePHalè:", or the Latin "CaPuT",
"God" is "TeVoDa", recalling the Greek "THéVoS"
and the Latin "DeVus".
Scientific words of modern origin (and ideological words used by the
new regime) are derived from Sanskrit, in accordance with the principles
that governed the formation of French scientific words: "Bike"
is "Kong", "Bicycle" is "Tvé" (bi,
two) - Chakra (cycle) -Yieng (vehicle). Only people who are versed in
the Khmerisation directives (after 1965) are familiar with this vocabulary,
which is modelled on French but is totally alien to the
original Khmer language.
The Khmer language is written with letters of South Indian origin. It
comprises 33 consonants, which have an "ar" or an "or"
sound. They do not need vowels to be pronounced or have a meaning: "Ka",
the first letter, means "neck". There are six autonomous vowels,
which are pronounced without being linked to consonants and have a meaning
by themselves. A series of 12 vowels is combined with consonants: they
are placed before the consonants they affect, after them on both sides
of them (before and after), above, below, or above and below. The vowels
have a different sound depending on whether they affect consonants having
an "ar" or an "or" sound. Some are short, others long,
and many are diphthongs. The final syllables are closed (ending in a consonant,
an aspirate, or an "s"), or long, but are never unvoiced.
This explains the difficulty which the Khmers have in pronouncing unvoiced
syllables in French "pas" for poste, "sak" very short,
with the "k" remaining at the back of the throat, for sac.
In view of the number of vowels, the Khmer language is very rich in sounds,
but does not possess any letter corresponding to "j", "ch"
or "g", which are generally pronounced "s". Similarly,
it does not have a French "u", only a long "uu", the
"u" being pronounced "yui". "An" and "uu"
are often confused. It is only by daily exercises that the muscles of
the tongue and palate can be trained.
The Khmer language favours harmony, the alternation of long and short,
and a lavish form of expression. A Khmer will often "listen to himself
speaking", and the language of someone who speaks well is said to
be "harmonious". A Khmer will generally read a text aloud to
"hear" what he reads. Since Cambodian words are written without
any intervening spaces, reading is slow and cannot be done "diagonally".
Asian languages, particularly the Khmer language, have a very simple
syntax. There are no tenses or conjugations, there is no gender or number
and there are no articles or pronouns: To indicate the plural, a determinative
is added: "Bread three pieces";
A determinative word is also added for the gender: "oxen female
three heads";
For the tenses, adverbs (yesterday, today, tomorrow) or particles ("with"=
the future, "to obtain" = the past) are added. For pronouns,
appellatives are used: each person describes his position in relation
to the other, often humbling himself and sometimes humbling the other
person to show contempt or anger.
"I" ("me", "my") is translated by "servant"
in conversation with a stranger by "sole of the feet - servant"
to honour someone important by "servant have compassion" when
addressing a monk; by "servant bearing divine adoration on his head
under the finest dust of the august feet of the Lord and Master"
when addressing Sihanouk; by "elder" or "eldest one"
when addressing younger people, one's fiancée or one's wife by
"child", "grandchild", "nephew", when speaking
to parents, grandparents, uncles and older people; and by "Agn"
when angry, when insulting others - who are then called "Aeng"
- or when addressing children.
In this connection, care must be taken with the use of the familiar form
of address tu (you): a Khmer will attach an "Ang-Aeng" meaning
to an "I-you" relationship, when the person addressed is relegated
to a lower level than that of the person speaking, even to the point of
contempt. Even friends rarely use the familiar form of address in public.
The Khmer language is very specific and descriptive: "go and fetch
that for me" is "go take object there carry come me". For
a European person, a sentence expresses an idea, which then leads on to
another. For a Khmer redundancies and repetitions in another form enable
the person addressed to grasp the idea expressed.
Sentences have only one clause: relative clauses and conjunctions (because,
so that, for, by, etc.) have only come into use recently, modelled on
the French language. The Khmer sentence is a spatial and temporal juxtaposition
and is not put together in accordance with Cartesian logic. Moreover,
everything in the sentence must be explicit, without any abstract idea:
"What do you want: bread or rice?" will not be immediately understood.
It will be necessary to explain first what is being discussed: "Bread
or rice, which do you want?"
The Khmer language does not, strictly speaking, have any word meaning
"Yes". The expression used may be translated literally as "sole
of the feet" for men, and "Master" for women. It is more
a form of politeness than acquiescence, implying "Yes, I am listening".
The person speaking may, moreover, insert these words in the course of
his speech, rather like "Isn't it?". This expression may be
coupled with the word "No" (te) to express a polite negation.
To express real acquiescence, a Khmer will repeat an important word in
the question or part of the sentence: "Do you want to go to the market?"
"Yes, I want to". Or "Yes, No" for a negative reply
(Bat tay).
Often the Khmers reply "Yes" to a negative question to which
we are used to answering "No". "Aren't you ill? Yes"
actually means "No". Very often the Khmer reply haphazardly
"Yes" or "No" because they have not understood the
question at all; but they cannot show that they have not understood without
losing face and causing the speaker to lose face as well.
In conversation it is important to articulate very clearly and speak
very slowly. If writing, write almost in schoolboy fashion, or print.
15. KHMER CIVIL STATUS Top Civil status is a European invention. A Khmer usually has only
one name: his own, which serves as a surname and first name, and which
fixes his place in society (e.g. "Sophal","Sihanouk").
If sufficiently familiar with someone, one may call him by his name: "Phal"
for "Sophal", corresponding to the familiar mode of address.
Since the colonial era, the habit has grown for civil status purposes
of placing one's grandfather's name in front of one's own name, so that
it has become the clan or family name: "So Sophal", "So",
being the name of the grandfather, and hence the family surname. As a
rule, surnames and first names are euphonic: "Sonn Sann, Doul Dim,
Somuth Sybo, So Samrith, Norodom Sihanouk", etc. Brothers and sisters
have first names in which there is a common element: thus "So Sophal"
will have brothers and sisters called "Sophaly, Sophala. Sophea.
Sotheary" A boy and girl may have the same "first name".
A woman keeps her maiden name, which is in fact her only name, all her
life. Miss Sarun would have been known by that name all her life if she
had remained in Cambodia. For European people, Miss Sarun, married to
So Sophal, becomes "Mrs. So" and takes the name of her husband's
grandfather! This was necessary for French administrative purposes, but
it is as well to be aware of the Khmer custom.
In Cambodia, moreover, it was easy to change one's name whenever circumstances
required: since a civil registry certificate was required on starting
school, it was then that the certificate was made out, with names and
dates that did not always correspond to the person's real age and name.
5 May 1996 |